In Modern Society, What Do We Mean When We Refer to the Division of Labor?
Labor, Sectionalisation of
W. Littek , in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 2001
2 Divisions of Labor
2.i Concepts: Economic Partition of Labor vs. Social Partition of Labor
All empirical show shows that labor or work always entails some specialization. Segmentation of labor refers to separation of activities and the specialized allocation to dissimilar individuals. It is a universal trait of human being. This does non, nevertheless, imply that information technology is caused by natural differences (biological differences between women and men, for example). Division of labor is always homo-made, its forms are socially shaped.
Any definition of partition of labor basically must start with the recognition of two different connotations. In its narrow and simple sense, the concept is used in an economical context. It describes the splitting up of a circuitous productive job into a number of specialized, simpler tasks. The near renowned example is that of Adam Smith (1776) for pivot needle production. The increase in productivity is exactly the ultimate reason for the separation and specialization of tasks in manufacturing.
This class is known every bit detailed or technical division of labor. Information technology made its appearance on the stage of human history with all-pervasive strength merely three hundred years agone in Europe with the establishment of conditions non in utilize previously: that is manufacturing and the 'invention' of capitalist principles of production.
In a broad sense, division of labor is a pre-condition for conceptualizing order, as used in a social or sociological context. Reference to the social partition of labor implies divisions at different levels of society which contain its circuitous structure. Hither the attention is on social differentiation such every bit class, gender, or ethnicity; on the role of power; on forces of social cohesion and disintegration; and on the importance of solidarity and morale. All the major institutions of a modern complex guild play a part in the social division of labor: in the economic system with its elements like the market place, competition, capital letter, contract law, labor market, even differences between (paid) employment and non-paid labor; in the political organization with its various specialized institutions of the legislative, the executive, and the judiciary; in the cultural organization with its diverse socializing institutions for the creation of skills, value orientations, and spiritual meaning.
In a schematic course the concepts may exist listed this way:
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economic division of labor social division of labor
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detailed sectionalization of labor partition of labor
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(eastward.g., technical division of labor)(east.g., by gender, occupations)
2.2 Levels
It is clear from the in a higher place that division of labor is a circuitous concept and can refer to different levels of human being action. It extends from the household or family on the micro level, through work organizations like enterprises on the meso (intermediate) level, divisions in society at big on the macro level, to the unabridged world on the global level. Examples of divisions of labor on the various levels are the domestic sectionalization of labor, the organizational partitioning of labor, the occupational division of labor, or the international partition of labor.
Hither is an overview on the levels in schematic course:
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Micro-level: e.1000., domestic or familial division of labor
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Meso- (intermediate) level: e.thou., organizational sectionalisation of labor
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Macro-level: e.g., occupational partition of labor
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Global level: east.g., international division of labor
ii.3 Dimensions
It is necessary to trace division of labor in diverse dissimilar dimensions. The most obvious dimension is a broad partition of labor between women and men, which all known societies showroom in some mode or other. This sexual (or gendered) segmentation of labor is patently important in the area of work, only information technology as well reaches beyond that to social, political, cultural, and religious functions.
Whatever analysis of the social structure of a order, or a comparative study of different societies, must certainly consider the distinction between these varying dimensions. In addition, some dimensions are relevant at more than than ane level. The sexual division of labor, for example, is of tremendous importance at the domestic or family level, just it too plays an important function in the economic realm. It is inseparably continued with opportunities and status in employment on the societal level, and is in prove fifty-fifty on the international level. (When, for example, the work of British or German male fabric workers is nowadays performed past possibly lower paid women in developing countries).
An overview of the more important dimensions of the division of labor in schematic class:
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division of labor by sex (or gender)
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division of labor past historic period
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division of labor by occupations
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division of labor by skill
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partitioning of labor by bureaucracy
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division of labor by infinite
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partitioning of labor by fourth dimension.
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Intensification and Specialization, Archeology of
K.D. Morrison , in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 2001
3.i The Concept of Specialization
Specialization may be defined every bit the channelling of resources and/or labor into restricted ends, a definition focusing on the products and procedure of specialization. Other definitions stress the office of specialization in setting apart people, technologies, and production locales, both physically and socioeconomically. Nigh literature on specialization in archæology focuses on craft production; such studies have been dominated by a business organisation for technological process, interest in the organization of product, and, more recently, an expanded interest in the social relations of production, including issues such as identity and meaning. Specialization implies exchange on some level and every bit such, is not intelligible exterior larger political/economic contexts.
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Overview of the Research into GPNs
Cui Fengru , Liu Guitang , in Global Value Bondage and Production Networks, 2019
1.two.i Traditional Division of Labor Theories
The sectionalization of labor is the soul of classical economic science. It is deemed to be the source of efficiency and productivity or the logical starting point of economic analysis. The issue of GPNs boils down to the division of labor. Traditional division of labor and specialization theories laid the foundation for the GPN framework and its major precursors. The economic efficiency achieved through division of labor is what GPNs are created for. Despite their limitations in explaining practical problems, traditional segmentation of labor theories laid a solid foundation for the GPN research organisation.
- one.
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Traditional division of labor theories:
Classical economics, Marxist political economy, two and neoclassical economics all recognized the role of division of labor in enhancing labor productivity and driving economic growth. Classical economics is a school of idea in economics that emerged in the transition from agriculture-centered to industry-centered economic system and the give-and-take is centered on the partition of labor is the specialization brought by the division of labor. The most representative economist in this regard is Adam Smith. Marxist political economy focuses on the determination of social development by the division of labor and the representative economist is Karl Marx (1867). Neoclassical economics replaces the labor theory of value in classical economics with the marginal utility theory, the discussion is centered on the allotment of resources, and there are analytical concepts virtually the division of labor and increasing returns to calibration. The typical representatives of this school are Alfred Marshall (1890) and Allyn Young (1928).
- two.
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Traditional international division of labor theories:
Since the segmentation of labor may occur domestically and internationally, there are as well many international partition of labor theories. The international division of labor has close ties with international trade, which are two inseparable aspects of one process. The international segmentation of labor evolves in the same direction every bit international trade theories develop. The two are interdependent and promote each other. The international division of labor always holds the attending of economists. Diverse theories have been proposed, analyzing the causes and benefits of the international segmentation of labor. These theories provide an important basis for the GPN framework and its major precursors as well every bit good economic interpretation of GPN formation. According to traditional international economics, the two basic types of international trade are interindustry merchandise and intraindustry trade. Correspondingly, there are also interindustry specialization and intraindustry specialization. 3
Information technology is universally agreed that the theories explaining interindustry specialization and interindustry trade are classical and neoclassical trade theories. Typical classical trade theories include the theory of accented advantage proposed by Adam Smith (1776) and the theory of comparative reward by David Ricardo (1817). Such theories build on assumptions such as perfectly competitive market and explicate interindustry specialization and international trade from the perspective of labor productivity differentials. A typical neoclassical merchandise theory is the factor endowment theory proposed past East.F. Heckscher and B. Ohlin (Heckscher and Ohlin, 1991). Neoclassical trade theories also build on assumptions such as perfectly competitive market just they address interindustry specialization and international trade from the perspective of factor endowment differences.
The theories explaining intraindustry specialization and intraindustry merchandise are intraindustry trade theories. A typical case is Raymond Vernon's international product life bike theory that dynamizes the theory of comparative advantage and the resource endowment theory and combines the product life bicycle theory in marketing studies with technological advances in discussing the pattern in international relocation of industries and explaining intraindustry specialization and trade from the perspective of technology differentials. The "new" new trade theory 4 developed by Paul Krugman et al. (Helpman and Krugman, 1985) breaks with traditional assumptions and introduces increasing returns to scale and imperfect competition in explaining intraindustry specialization and trade from the perspectives of horizontal differentiation and homogeneity. The new-factor proportion approach proposed by R.E. Falvey (1981) makes adjustments to the assumptions of H–O model and establishes relationships between various combinations of product features and basic factors such as labor and capital letter in explaining the causes of intraindustry trade and describing intraindustry specialization and merchandise from the perspective of vertical differentiation. Of these intraindustry trade theories, the new merchandise theory of Paul Krugman et al. is the most influential.
- iii.
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Limitations of traditional international segmentation of labor theories:
Since the 1980s, global trade and production have witnessed fast development and the implications of the international division of labor and trade have changed significantly. The about important change is that more and more countries use their factor endowment and applied science to engage in a production process of certain product through international vertical specialization, 5 resulting in the then-called intraproduct international specialization, and then intermediate trade on a big scale (intraproduct international trade). The global division of labor system is undergoing profound changes, featuring the coexistence of interindustry specialization, intraindustry specialization, and intraproduct specialization. Moreover, intraproduct international specialization and trade grows rapidly and its influence is also growing.
Standard trade theories generally focus on the specialization and exchange of final products (Arndt, 1997). With nonsubdivisible products as the implicated premise, these theories lack due attention to intraproduct international specialization and have limitations in explaining modern business operation and management and economical development. Many scholars take studied international vertical specialization inside the framework of traditional international trade theories. For example, Sanyal and Jones (1982), Hummels (1999), and Deardorff (2001) used the Ricardian model to explain the causes and models of international vertical specialization and trade. Feenstra and Hanson (1996), Arndt (1997), and Deardorff (2001) analyzed international vertical specialization using the H–O model of cistron endowment theory. Jones and Kierzkowski (1990, 2001) and Krugman (1991) explained international vertical specialization based on the new trade theory. However, traditional international division of labor theories accept failed to systematically accost the issue of intraproduct trade, which stands in stark contrast to the importance of intraproduct international merchandise to the economy.
Since the 1990s, many economists have attempted to establish a new theoretical arrangement and research framework. A typical example is the concept of intraproduct specialization proposed by Prof. Lu Feng at China Center for Economic Enquiry (CCER) in 2004 in Intra-Production Specialization. He discussed the new form of segmentation of labor on basic levels, examined the causes, determinants and driving forces of intraproduct specialization, and described the features of products and production processes in the international division of labor today. However, the new theories are yet to be fully developed. There is no sufficient proof of their accuracy or value, no concepts are widely accustomed, and the studies based on different notions take different focuses. Therefore, the new theories including intraproduct specialization are yet to become the mainstream of international economics.
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Theoretical Footing of Microcosmic GPN Studies
Cui Fengru , Liu Guitang , in Global Value Chains and Production Networks, 2019
ii.2.one New Classical Economic science
The division of labor and the economies of scale have been hot topics to economists. The division of labor is the soul of classical economics. It is considered the source of efficiency and productivity, and used by some economists equally the logical starting indicate. Advocated by Dixit, Stiglitz, and Krugman, the economies of scale became a mainstream concept in the field of international economic science after the 1970s. Notwithstanding, the theory based on this concept faces some dilemmas: first, the prediction that economic growth and other phenomena will occur if and only if the average size of firms increases is a departure from reality; 2nd, the model adopts a black box approach to firms and fails to accost why firms get out and the economical implications of the enterprise organization itself so information technology has difficulty in explaining many modernistic economic issues; and third, transaction costs do non have substantive meanings in this model since no transaction costs are involved in the increase of house size and other phenomena.
After the 1980s, economists represented by Rosen, Becker, Yang, Borland, and Ng used inframarginal assay to plough brilliant ideas about partition of labor and specialization in classical economics into decision-making and equilibrium models for explaining all economic activities. This broke down the barriers between traditional macroeconomic and microeconomic models, and started the trend of using modernistic analytical tools to revive classical economics. They used the endogenous controlling model for personal choice of specialization level adult based on inframarginal analysis to examine how the market and pricing determine the level of segmentation of labor across all sectors. They interpreted Adam Smith's division of labor theory and views on the causes of international trade based on the personal decision-making for specialization level and changes in the equilibrium level of segmentation of labor. This new school of thought, known as "new classical economics," is advocated by economists like Yang Xiaokai. Studies in this regard, proceeding from the development of the sectionalisation of labor, are intended to find the micromechanism of economic growth and establish the microeconomic model of macroeconomic growth. By formalizing the thoughts on division of labor and specialization in classical economics, they alter the subject area matter of economic research from the optimal allocation of resources under a given construction of economic organizations to the interactions between engineering science and economic organizations and how such interactions evolve.
New classical economic science has the following characteristics:
Kickoff, every conclusion-maker is both a consumer and a producer and there is no accented separation betwixt pure consumers and firms. The separation between the two means that the theoretical footing of domestic trade differs from that of international trade. In the case of domestic merchandise, pure consumers would starve without trading considering they do not produce things; in the case of international trade, notwithstanding, every land is both a consumer and a producer and so there are comparative advantages, economies of scale, and preference differences. The assumption that every conclusion-maker is both a consumer and a producer, co-ordinate to new classical economics, is closer to the reality and means that the optimal conclusion representing self-interested behavior is ever the corner solution. Inside the framework of consumer–producer unity, the model of new classical economic science introduces endogenous division of labor, specialization level, and market integration. It is believed that the emergence of firms is endogenous rather than exogenously given and can explain why domestic trade is expanded to international trade. This is a model of endogenous merchandise.
Second, every person favors diversity equally a consumer and achieves the economies of specialization every bit a producer. The economies of specialization accept something to do with the scope of a person'southward product activities; they are not the economical event of an increment in business firm size. All people's economies of specialization combined are the economies of division of labor, which is the result of social networks. New classical economics replaces the economies of scale with the economies of specialization and introduces the concept of transaction costs, thus resulting in the dilemma between the economies of specialization and transaction costs. To be specific, on the ane hand, specialization enhances productivity and gives decision-makers greater production chapters; on the other hand, due to the diversity in consumer preferences, specialization as well means that every decision-maker needs to buy more goods from other specialized decision-makers, which incurs college transaction costs. Specialization and merchandise are the basic components of the economy and a main thread that runs through the course of economic development is the dilemma and trade-off between specialization and transaction costs.
Third, the analysis of supply and demand is based on corner solution while the marginal analysis based on corner solution is not used. New classical economists nonetheless adopt a mathematical method to describe their theory then that the abovementioned views are more scientific. The method they utilise is inframarginal analysis, that is, to make a marginal analysis of every corner and a price–do good analysis betwixt corners to find an optimal approach to determination-making. The marginal assay of every corner is to accost the upshot of resource resource allotment with a given segmentation of labor construction and it determines the structure of relative demand for and supply of different products when the total need is given. The toll–benefit assay between corners determines the specialization level and model (structure of economic organizations) and all people'south decision-making in this regard determines the level of sectionalization of labor that determines market capacity and full demand.
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Assessing EU Smart Specialization Policy in a Comparative Perspective
Slavo Radosevic , in Advances in the Theory and Practice of Smart Specialization, 2017
Inward Orientation and Weak Transnationalization of SS
SS strategies are as well often in-oriented. Given the dominance of global value bondage in the growth and modernization of less developed regions, it is of the utmost importance to take this dimension of SS much more explicitly on board. Finally, the major tension that we observe today is among the identify-based supporting activities, such as clusters and the GVC equally levers of modernization (Baldwin, 2016).
SS strategies should be the key to applied science upgrading, but the issue is how tin can the local production stage of GVC become its building block? (Radosevic and Stancova, 2015). One view is that GVCs are the central to engineering science upgrading. The statement is that in a globalized context, it does not brand much sense to build local clusters; instead, beingness plugged into a GVC is sufficient. An alternative view is that a land or region should link up only when they tin can benefit from the linkages. Therefore, regions should first build endogenous technological capability and only then link up. These are mutually exclusive views, both with significant trade-offs.
The successful examples of the coupling between GVC and local industry and technology capacities are rare. Often cited examples are the Irish National Linkages Program (NLP) and the Singaporean local industry-upgrading program (Chapter 10). Beside these high-profile success stories, at that place are a variety of programs with different degrees of success. For example, Crespi et al. (2014) describes a Malaysian programme equally an case of both failure and success (pp. 270–271). Benacek (2010) likewise describes the case of CzechInvest, the strategic promotion agency in Czech industrial restructuring.
For now, we are unable to offer a policy toolbox to decision makers. This dimension has been ignored in the SS Handbook, and there have been recent attempts to further develop it (Primi, 2014; Radosevic and Stancova, 2015; Chapter 11). Moreover, UNIDO and the German Lodge for International Cooperation (GIZ) have integrated an analysis of GVCs as part of an evidence-based industry policy assay (http://www.equip-project.org/).
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Smart Specialization equally an Innovation-Driven Strategy for Economic Diversification: Examples From Scandinavian Regions
Bjørn Asheim , ... Michaela Trippl , in Advances in the Theory and Practice of Smart Specialization, 2017
Introduction: smart specialization—presentation and clarification
Smart specialization is probably the single largest attempt always of an orchestrated, supranational innovation strategy to heave economic growth through economical diversification. It has been launched by the European Committee, and is a strategic approach to an industrial policy for national and regional economic development, pursuing a loftier road strategy of innovation-based competition equally the sustainable alternative to a downward spiral of toll competition (i.east., the depression road strategy), which dominates in the majority of regions in Southern and Eastern Europe (Milberg and Houston, 2005). As such, smart specialization represents a new industrial policy that aims to promote new path development and economic diversification, going across "merely" a regional innovation strategy more narrowly defined (Affiliate 1). Furthermore, for the start time in the European union, smart specialization provides a policy framework or platform for promoting and implementing a broad-based innovation policy. This is of critical and strategic importance given the failure of the linear, research and development (R&D)-based innovation policy in the European union post-obit the Lisbon Proclamation 2000 that set a goal of allocating 3% of GDP to R&D. The rationale was that this should transform the European union into the about competitive region in the world, but the outcome was very dissimilar. Thus, it is of great importance that smart specialization is fully and correctly understood, non the least because the choice of key words (i.e., "specialization" and "entrepreneurial discovery") may lead policy makers and practitioners to make faux interpretations and draw wrong conclusions (Asheim, 2014).
Smart specialization is not about "specialization" as known from previous regional development strategies, that is, a Porter-like cluster strategy, but about diversified specialization. What this means is that countries should place areas or "domains" as the smart specialization literature prefers to phone call it—of existing and/or potential competitive advantage, where they can specialize in a different way compared to other countries and regions. A smart specialization strategy implies maximizing the cognition-based evolution potential of any country or region, with a potent or weak R&I system or with a loftier-tech or low-tech industrial construction. Countries and regions should diversify their economies primarily based on existing strengths and capabilities by moving into related or unrelated sectors.
"Smart" in the smart specialization approach refers to the way these domains of competitive advantage should be identified, which is through what is called "entrepreneurial discovery." However, the emphasis here is non on the office of traditional entrepreneurs, resulting in a policy focus simply on firm formation as an individual entrepreneurial project. As underlined in the writings on smart specialization, "entrepreneurial" should exist understood broadly to cover all actors (including individual entrepreneurs), organizations (including firms and universities through intrapreneurship, noesis-based entrepreneurship, and spin-offs), and agencies (technology transfer offices and public development agencies) that have the capacity to find domains for securing existing and future competitiveness. Perhaps, Van der Ven et al. (1999) describes "the entrepreneur" as one type of leadership along the "innovation journey" comes shut to what is meant by entrepreneurial discovery in the smart specialization approach. The authors talk almost the entrepreneur as a role likely to be played by a cadre network of interacting actors from the national innovation organization, comprising a express number of firms, universities, public research organizations, and government institutions (Van der Ven et al., 1999), which should likewise include, especially in minor countries, nonlocal actors in cooperating transnationally and interregionally. Such a wide interpretation of "entrepreneurial discovery" avoids the pitfall of ignoring the systemic nature of innovation. The systems approach to innovation policies also highlights the part of authorities in driving innovation, every bit well as the remainder between exploration and exploitation (Asheim and Gertler, 2005; Asheim et al., 2011b, 2016).
In the following section, the theoretical framework of the smart specialization approach for economical diversification is laid out; emphasizing how new path development can be pursued within the framework of a broad-based innovation policy. This builds on the knowledge base approach, which was key to the constructing regional advantage (CRA) strategy (Asheim et al., 2006, 2011a). The noesis-based approach argues that economic diversification and innovation-based competition tin can be achieved in all industries or sectors yet in unlike means, depending on industry-specific modes of innovation and noesis bases. Department, "The Cases: Scandinavian Regions" illustrates how smart specialization strategies accept been designed and implemented in three Scandinavian regions, using the theoretical framework to inform the analysis. Section, "Conclusions: Comparative Perspectives on Smart Specialization Strategies in Scandinavian Regions" offers some comparative conclusions discussing whether the strategies will result in diversified specialization, and whether one can approve the relevance of the theoretical framework to guide the design and implementation of a smart specialization strategy for economic diversification.
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Natural Extinctions (not Man Influenced)
Christopher N. Johnson , in Encyclopedia of Biodiversity (Second Edition), 2001
Interactions
Specialization is taken a step further in species that have evolved a shut dependence on i or a small number of other species. For example, many herbivorous insects feed on only one species of plant, and many predators attack but ane or a pocket-sized number among many possible species of prey. Of particular interest are mutualistic interactions, in which species provide benefits to one some other. Figs, for instance, rely on fig wasps for pollination, and fig wasps in turn lay their eggs only in the flowers of figs. This interaction tends to be highly species specific, with each species of fig visited past simply one species of fig wasp and each partner in the interaction completely dependent on the other for reproduction. Such tight species specificity results from coevolution, in which each species in the interaction evolves special characteristics in response to evolutionary changes in the other to increase its benefit from the interaction.
Specialization of this kind is classically regarded every bit an extinction trap considering the specialist will inevitably go extinct if the species that it depends on goes extinct or becomes very rare. This view is probably an oversimplification. Conscientious report of some species-specific interactions has revealed more flexibility and greater potential for rapid evolutionary response to changes in the abundance of interacting species, including the power to switch to new partners, than was previously assumed (Thompson, 1994). Also, mutualistic interactions have the general outcome of increasing the geographic range and abundance, and stabilizing the population dynamics, of both partners in the interaction. These ecological benefits may at least partly compensate for the vulnerability caused past dependence on another species.
Considering interactions between species are not revealed in detail in the fossil record, at that place is little directly data on rates of secondary extinction. It is sometimes possible, however, to evaluate the risks of secondary extinction from study of living communities. Many plants cannot set seed without cross-pollination and rely on animals to transfer pollen. Such plants should be vulnerable to reproductive failure, and possibly extinction, if their pollinators decline, and species that have only i or a small number of pollinators are likely to be especially vulnerable. This vulnerability can be reduced by traits such as the ability to propagate vegetatively that reduce demographic dependence on seeds. Bail (1995) showed that in some plant communities there are no species that have both a loftier dependence on animal pollinators for seed set and a high demographic dependence on seeds, despite broad variation amidst species in both sets of characteristics (Figure iii). One explanation for this pattern is that such species are unusual because their loftier dependence on other species means that they are very likely to go extinct.
Figure 3. The relationship between an index of dependence on animal pollinators for seed set up and dependence on seeds for regeneration for species of bound flowering herbs in a temperate deciduous wood. Any species that was both dependent on pollinators for seed set and dependent on seeds to regenerate would be considered at high hazard of extinction due to pollinator failure. (Redrawn with permission from Bail WJ (1995) Assessing the run a risk of extinction due to pollinator and disperser failure. In: Lawton JH and May RM (eds.) Extinction Rates, pp. 131–147. Oxford: Oxford Univ. Printing.)
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General Strategies and Specific Strategies for Libraries
Masanori Koizumi , in Inherent Strategies in Library Management, 2017
five.3.1 Bailiwick Specialisation
Field of study specialisation provides reference services, public services, and technical services based on highly divided subject-based organisation. Information technology is unrealistic to expect i librarian to become an skillful on multiple subjects. Instead, by creating separate divisions for each subject area or for a range of related subjects, librarians can focus on developing a deep understanding of but i or a few specialisations.
Considering each sectionalisation requires several librarians, an abundant workforce and budget are needed to implement this strategy. Subject specialisation was feature of large public libraries and academic libraries in times of prosperity, when they were blessed with aplenty budgets. Furthermore, in response to budgetary conditions, libraries should consider fragmenting simply those specialty subjects in high demand past users. For example, upon entering the 21st century, both the Harvard University Library and Boston Public Library have decreased their numbers of subdivided subjects. This was one way of countering a hard monetary situation.
Ane instance of public libraries undergoing diverse subject specialisation is the Boston Public Library in the 1960s, which created numerous sections to provide users with field of study-specific services. In that location were specialised sections for as many as xv subjects, each of which were amply staffed.
In improver, the library administrator should simultaneously consider structural subdivision also as arrangements for lateral coordination of the organization. For instance, in the 2000s, the Columbia University Libraries utilised information technology in the class of chat reference software to let subject field librarians to communicate with each other. They utilised this software to redirect subject area-specific questions from users to the appropriate bailiwick librarian.
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Professional Bug
Tommy T. Stigall , in Comprehensive Clinical Psychology, 1998
ii.19.two New Specialties and Proficiencies
Specialization can be thought of either as the division of human labor for increased efficiency, or in terms of the organization of knowledge. Both concepts are relevant to an agreement of specialties and proficiencies, equally these terms are employed by the CRSPPP, and both are embedded in the following definition, which is incorporated in the APA policy document Principles for the Recognition of Specialties in Professional person Psychology (American Psychological Association, 1995a):
A specialty is a defined surface area of psychological practice which requires advanced knowledge and skills acquired through an organized sequence of education and training. The avant-garde knowledge and skill specific to a specialty are obtained subsequent to the acquisition of core scientific and professional foundations in psychology. (p. 2)
In addition to the concepts of an organized torso of knowledge and the application of this cognition to practice, the definition emphasizes that the knowledge and skill for specialty do must be at an advanced level and that it must be caused in an organized sequence of didactics and training. A specialty rests on and grows out of the core knowledge and skills of the discipline. It does not supplant or supersede it, just it is distinctive and different from the generic core.
The principles specify 12 criteria that apply in the evaluation of petitions seeking APA recognition of new specialties. Amongst other things, the criteria stipulate that there must be an identifiable public need for the specialty and that the new specialty must exist distinctive, though not necessarily unique, with regard to the three parameters of specialty practice: populations served, problems addressed, and procedures and techniques utilized. For a positive recommendation to be made by the CRSPPP, the petition and supporting documents must exist consummate and must provide evidence to satisfy all the criteria.
2.19.2.1 Clinical Neuropsychology
In Baronial 1996, the Council of Representatives voted for the first time to recognize a new specialty on the ground of a petition submitted by the APA Sectionalization of Clinical Neuropsychology (Division 40). Clinical neuropsychology thus became the 5th specialty in professional psychology officially recognized by the APA (DeLeon, 1997, p. 856). Cardinal to the recognition procedure is the requirement for a clear and concise definition of the practice of any approved specialty or proficiency. The definition is maintained every bit a role of the archival record and serves as the basis for communication with the public nearly the specialized professional services offered past psychologists who are associated with the specialty or proficiency in question. For this purpose, the following definition of clinical neuropsychology was adopted:
Clinical Neuropsychology is a specialty that applies principles of assessment and intervention based upon the scientific report of human beliefs as it relates to normal and aberrant functioning of the key nervous system. The specialty is dedicated to enhancing the understanding of brain-beliefs relationships and the awarding of such knowledge to homo problems. (American Psychological Association, 1996, p. 155)
2.19.2.2 Clinical Health Psychology
One year afterward, in Baronial 1997, the specialty of clinical health psychology was officially recognized by the Council, based on a petition review and favorable recommendation by the CRSPPP. The petition had been prepared past the APA Partition of Health Psychology (Division 38). In approving clinical wellness psychology as the sixth officially recognized specialty in professional person psychology, the Quango accepted the following definition of this specialty:
The specialty of Clinical Wellness Psychology applies scientific knowledge of the interrelationships among behavioral, emotional, cognitive, social and biological components in health and illness to the promotion and maintenance of health; the prevention, treatment and rehabilitation of illness and disability; and the improvement of the health care system. The distinct focus of Clinical Health Psychology is on physical wellness problems. The specialty is dedicated to the development of high quality services to individuals, families, and health intendance systems. (American Psychological Association, 1997, p. 158)
In the deliberations of the Council, a controversy arose about the use of the modifier "clinical" in the title of emerging specialties and proficiencies. Proponents argued that the use of "clinical" is necessary to differentiate grooming programs preparing psychologists for practise from training programs preparing clinical scientists. An opposing point of view held that psychologists who had not neen trained specifically in a clinical psychology program (e.m., counseling psychologists or schoolhouse psychologists) would be disadvantaged by such terminology. While blessing "Clinical Health Psychology" as the title of the new specialty, the Council imposed a moratorium on the recognition of time to come specialties and proficiencies incorporating "clinical" in the title until "the confusing and problematic meanings surrounding the generic use of the term "clinical" have been addressed and resolved by the APA to the satisfaction of Quango" (Council of Representatives, 1997). A special task force was to be appointed by the APA President to address the circuitous issues involved and report its recommendations to the Council. The chore forcefulness was to coordinate its activities with the CRSPPP.
ii.19.2.3 Biofeedback: Applied Psychophysiology
Biofeedback: Applied Psychophysiology was recognized as a proficiency in professional psychology also at the August 1997 coming together of the Council. But, unlike the petitions for clinical neuropsychology and health psychology, both of which had come from APA divisions, the petition for this new proficiency was submitted from an interdisciplinary organization, The Biofeedback Certification Institute of America. Since 1981, the Institute has certified individual practitioners from various disciplines equally expert in biofeedback. The CRSPPP assumes that proficiencies are not necessarily subsumed by any item specialty of psychology and they may, in fact, be shared with other disciplines.
A proficiency is a circumscribed activeness in the general practice of professional person psychology or one or more of its specialties. The relationship between a body of knowledge and a set of skills related to the parameters of practice … represents the virtually disquisitional attribute of the definition of a proficiency. (American Psychological Clan, 1995b)
Unlike specialties, which must demonstrate their saliency with respect to all iii of the essential parameters of do, proficiencies are required to show that they are distinctive in at to the lowest degree one of the parameters. Emphasis on the procedural and technical aspects of the proficiency tin be seen in the official definition of biofeedback: applied psychophysiology:
Biofeedback refers to a group of therapeutic procedures that use electronic instruments to record and display to the patient information nearly the ongoing activity of various body processes of which the person is ordinarily unaware. The goal of biofeedback therapy is to help the patient achieve voluntary control over body processes that are normally involuntary or that accept become involuntary through accident or disease. Biofeedback is used in the treatment of many medical and psychological disorders. (American Psychological Association, 1997, p. 160)
Information technology is expected that the petition review process will pb to other recommendations for recognition of new specialties and proficiencies. Potent involvement has been shown on the part of clinical, counseling, and school psychology in an early submission of petitions for connected recognition on the basis of a formal review past the CRSPPP. Not all petitions reviewed are recommended for recognition. Those that are incomplete or fail to satisfy all the required criteria are returned to the petitioning organization with an explanation of the identified deficiencies. It is left to the petitioning organization whether to revise and resubmit the petition at a later appointment.
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Vertical specialization and strengthening indigenous innovation
Wang Wei , in Achieving Inclusive Growth in China Through Vertical Specialization, 2016
7.1 Introduction
Vertical specialization has become a dominant feature of Chinese trade and economic system, reflecting the increasing fragmentation and sophistication of production. An implication of vertical specialization is that imports and exports by processing trade in Cathay have been steadily growing over the past three decades.
Information technology is recognized that productivity is a major source of increasing income and that technology innovation is a commuter of inclusive growth. Therefore, indigenous innovation is a key element of achieving inclusive growth in China. Prc has increased its outlays on research and development (R&D) with the deliberate aim of narrowing the gap in productivity and income in relation to leading countries. China's intramural expenditure on R&D increased from 0.5% of the GDP in 1994 to ane.98% in 2012. Therefore, what are the drivers of engineering innovation and inclusive growth in Communist china? To what extent can Cathay successfully build its own national innovation arrangement through technology conquering via vertically specialized trade? What are the roles of imports and exports by processing merchandise? What is the human relationship betwixt vertical specialization and indigenous innovation in an increasingly integrated global value chain, and how does this interaction alter to answer to the specific characteristics of China?
Impressively rapid vertically specialized trade growth in China has important implications for developing countries, not merely in terms of its economic impact but likewise in terms of its experiences in guiding and promoting the inclusive growth process. China has opened upwardly to international trade and investment with inclusive growth strategies, and at the aforementioned fourth dimension it has put an increasing emphasis on indigenous knowledge creation and innovation. Experiences in China may provide valuable lessons for other developing countries with regard to industrial, engineering, and merchandise policies.
Globalization and vertical specialization in the global production value chain require exam of innovation input factors in an international context, especially when strange-invested enterprises already have congenital a strong being, frequently in the form of international joint ventures in China. Policymakers demand to explore success factors for innovation input to remain competitive. A improve understanding of the human relationship between environmental constraints and indigenous innovation in various local contexts becomes i of the nigh important sources of productivity and inclusive growth. Identifying factors that influence product innovation in the international context thus becomes crucially important to researchers and managers.
Section 7.ii provides institutional background and Section 7.3 discusses the interactions betwixt vertical specialization and indigenous innovation in the context of the exchange of intermediate goods and services. Section 7.iv concludes with an evaluation of the bear witness and discusses policy implications.
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Source: https://www.sciencedirect.com/topics/economics-econometrics-and-finance/division-of-labour
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